Marie Watson, a field worker for the Maryland League of Planned Parenthood, delivered “A Voice from the Eastern Shore” on November 5, 1945. It was the only speech given at the annual meeting of the Prince George’s League for Planned Parenthood in Hyattsville, Maryland. The speech was recorded by Georgia K. Benjamin, a civic leader involved in such women’s organizations as the Maryland League of Women Voters. In this speech, Watson argued that Planned Parenthood was a “new way of life” for black people who face significant barriers in accessing affordable housing, quality medical care, adequate education, and healthy food.[note]Marie Watson, “A Voice from the Eastern Shore,” Georgia K. Benjamin Papers, “Speeches and Papers on Family Planning, 1941-1953,” Special Collections, Box 1, Folder 3, University of Maryland Libraries, University of Maryland, College Park, MD, para. 14.[/note] Systemic oppression caused a litany of health problems for African Americans from exposure to rats, typhus, trash, and unsanitary or inadequate food and water.[note]“Summary Report: Prince George’s County Health Study Group, 1948-1949,” Georgia K. Benjamin Papers, “Speeches and Papers on Family Planning, 1941-1953,” Special Collections, Box 1, Folder 3, University of Maryland Libraries, University of Maryland, College Park, MD.[/note] Watson advocated that Planned Parenthood could help combat such health hazards, and she felt compelled to spread the organization’s mission to community members across the Eastern Shore.
The Planned Parenthood League of Maryland formed in 1927. Even though it was headquartered in Bethesda, Maryland, it served the entire state of Maryland. Originally called the Bureau for Contraceptive Advice, it was rebranded as the Baltimore Birth Control Clinic in 1932. Soon after its rebranding, the organization became a member of the national Planned Parenthood Federation. By 1942, both local and national groups were officially renamed “Planned Parenthood.”[note]“History & Highlights,” Planned Parenthood of Maryland, Inc., 2018, https://www.plannedparenthood.org/planned-parenthood-maryland/who-we-are/history-highlights.[/note] The mission of Planned Parenthood sought to educate its clients and to bring health care services to residents on the Eastern Shore. But, as Watson emphasized, women faced racial discrimination when accessing health care. In addition to the systemic equalities Watson discussed, there were separate clinics for black women and white women.[note]The landmark decision of Simkins v. Moses H. Cone Memorial Hospital ruled that racial segregation in publicly funded hospitals was a violation of equal protection under the United States Constitution in 1963. In 1964, Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 banned discrimination on the basis of race, color, or national origin for any agency receiving state or federal funding. See: Ezelle Sanford III, “Civil Rights and Healthcare: Remembering Simkins v. Cone (1963),” African American Intellectual History Society, February 4, 2017, https://www.aaihs.org/civil-rights-and-healthcare-remembering-simkins-v-cone-1963/.[/note] To try to rectify these inequities, Executive Director Anne G. Huppman announced that Planned Parenthood of Maryland would serve low-income populations, especially those who seldom saw a physician annually.[note]Anne G. Huppmann, “Mission Statement,” December 17, 1957, Planned Parenthood of Maryland LC215, Langsdale Library Special Collections, Baltimore Regional Studies Archives, Box 1, University of Baltimore, Baltimore, MD.[/note] This tenet of Planned Parenthood’s mission helps explain the organization’s emphasis on preventative care and cancer detection; many of their patients rarely visited a doctor.
In 1945, the same year as Watson’s speech, the Maryland Legislative Assembly made Maryland the first state to provide medical services for the medically indigent. It also allowed care to be given in the home.[note]Georgia K. Benjamin, “The Maryland Plan for Medical Services,” Georgia K. Benjamin Papers, “Speeches and Papers on Family Planning, 1941-1953,” Special Collections, Box 1, Folder 3, University of Maryland Libraries, University of Maryland. “Medically indigent” refers to those who cannot afford health care or are ineligible for health care services.[/note] Despite these policy changes, the 1948 Prince George’s County Health Study Group found the county “20 years behind the times in recognition of its responsibility to protect the health of its citizens.”[note]“Summary Report.”[/note] Overcrowded clinics and a lack of access to health care meant mothers and children suffered. Maternal mortality rates were high and 90 percent of illegal abortions were performed on married women.[note]Georgia K. Benjamin, “Peace Begins in the Home,” Georgia K. Benjamin Papers, “Speeches and Papers on Family Planning, 1941-1953,” Special Collections, Box 1, Folder 3, University of Maryland Libraries, University of Maryland, College Park, MD.[/note]
With so much work to be done, Watson and Planned Parenthood sought to raise awareness of the organization’s ability to help mothers and children, particularly from black families. At the time of Watson’s speech, Planned Parenthood was focused on preventing unwanted pregnancy, offering fertility assistance, and providing marriage counseling. Planned Parenthood meant what its name implies: “parenthood entered into willingly with adequate preparation for the strains and sacrifices it imposes.”[note]Karl Menninger, MD., “Psychiatric Aspects of Contraception,” Bulletin of the Menninger Clinic 7, no. 1 (1943), Georgia K. Benjamin Papers, “Speeches and Papers on Family Planning, 1941-1953,” Special Collections, Box 1, Folder 3, University of Maryland Libraries, University of Maryland, College Park, MD.[/note] The group’s activities included education about contraception and birth control, child spacing, disease prevention, and psychological maturity, all which could help build stable families.[note]“Planned Parenthood. What Does It Mean?,” 1947, Planned Parenthood of Maryland LC215, Langsdale Library Special Collections, Box 6, University of Baltimore, Baltimore, MD.[/note]
One of the purposes of Watson’s speech was to calm anxieties over Planned Parenthood. She specifically argued that its mission was consonant with the mission of the church. Although there is very little information available regarding Watson’s life, her relationship with the church and her relationship with Planned Parenthood is clearly explained in “A Voice from the Eastern Shore.” Watson explained her preacher husband’s disapproval of her work.[note]Watson, “A Voice from the Eastern Shore,” para. 4.[/note] Yet she did not explain how she continued to work with the Women’s Society for Christian Service to spread her message in churches across the region in spite of such opposition.[note]Watson, “A Voice from the Eastern Shore,” para. 10.[/note] As of 1945, her travels had brought her over 322 contacts in 30 religious and women’s groups.[note]Watson, “A Voice from the Eastern Shore,” para. 13.[/note]In 1947, Bishop G. Bromley Oxnam affirmed the relationship between Planned Parenthood and the church by stating, “Planned Parenthood is one of the expressions of the Christian principle that affirms the infinite worth of a human being.”[note]“Planned Parenthood. What Does It Mean?”[/note] The organization sought to save women and children by bettering their physical health, psychological wellbeing, and health care experiences.
Watson concluded her speech with hope and optimism about Planned Parenthood’s ability to save lives and create happier homes and healthier people. To accomplish these goals, she sought to tell the people of the Eastern Shore about its helpful services and to lead the charge for opening more clinics.[note]Watson, “A Voice from the Eastern Shore,” para. 14[/note] By 1947, two years after Watson’s speech, there were six clinics in the state operating under the Maryland League of Planned Parenthood.[note]Benjamin, “The Maryland Plan for Medical Services.”[/note]
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Rose Winslow (Ruża Wenclawska) was one of many Polish immigrants coming to the United States in the late nineteenth century. Even though we do not know her birth date, we know that she was eleven when her family moved to Pennsylvania presumably in the 1890s. To support her family, she worked ten to twelve-hour days in the textile mills. Working conditions in the textile industry were catastrophic and, like many of her peers, Winslow contracted tuberculosis when she was a teenager. This experience motivated Winslow to become a labor organizer for the Garment Workers’ Union League and a labor advocate with the Consumer’s League.[note]Linda Ford, Iron-Jawed Angels: The Suffrage Militancy of the National Woman’s Party, 1912-1920 (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1991), 60-63; Katherine H. Adams and Michael L. Keene, After the Vote Was Won: The Later Achievements of Fifteen Suffragists (Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company, 2010), 16.[/note] As part of her advocacy for workers’ rights, Winslow testified before legislative hearings in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania to advocate for—among other things—an eight-hour workday for women.
Winslow’s eloquent speech in Harrisburg circulated widely and attracted the attention of Alice Paul, the leader of the National Women’s Party (NWP).[note]Ford, Iron-Jawed Angels, 60-63.[/note] The NWP was one of the more radical groups advocating for women’s votes, undertaking the most militant and visible tactics of the women’s suffrage movement (e.g., suffrage parades, suffrage protests in front of President Wilson’s White House). Paul actively recruited women from the working class who could eloquently spread the suffrage message, and Winslow was one of Paul’s most prominent recruits.[note]Ibid., 91-120.[/note] As part of the NWP, Winslow undertook a speaking tour of the United States and even spoke in front of President Wilson.[note]“Miss Rose Winslow,” Times-Leader, June 16, 1915; “Workers Here to Ask Wilson for Suffrage,”Washington Post, February 1, 1914; “Party in Power False to Cause of Suffragists,”The Morning Echo, October 23, 1914.[/note]
Winslow also took part in the “Silent Sentinel” protests—one of the more radical expressions of protest under Paul’s leadership. During these protests, NWP members protested silently in front of President Wilson’s White House every day for over two years.[note]Belinda A. Stillion Southard, Militant Citizenship: Rhetorical Strategies of the National Woman’s Party, 1913-1920 (College Station: Texas A&M University, 2011), 121-148.[/note] These protests and her eventual arrest by police on trumped-up charges demonstrated Winslow’s dedication and spirit of self-sacrifice. During their time in prison together, both Winslow and Paul participated in hunger strikes and were force-fed by prison guards. Winslow captured just how grueling such feedings were for them when she wrote: “one lies prone and people shove a pipe down one’s stomach.” In notes passed along to supporters from her prison cell, Winslow disclosed, “I heard myself making the most hideous sounds, like an animal in pain.”[note]Rose Winslow, “Prison Notes, Smuggled to Friends from the District Jail (1917),” in Treacherous Texts: U.S. Suffrage Literature, 1846-1946, ed. Mary Chapman and Angela Mills (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2011), 282-283.[/note] As Belinda A. Stillion Southard attests, this experience, alongside other forms of prison mistreatment, contributed to the sense of “militant identity” among the suffragists during the later stages of their movement.[note]Stillion Southard, Militant Citizenship, 144-148.[/note]
Efforts like Winslow’s to unite the suffrage and working-class movements were essential to the growth of both movements’ successes in the early 1910s.[note]Ibid., 50.[/note] Against the backdrop of growing consciousness of the labor and suffrage movements, Winslow engaged in a speaking tour that brought her to Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, in June of 1915. Before an audience of predominantly male workers, Winslow faced a challenge of persuading them to support women’s suffrage. She also needed to address her own identity as a suffragist hailing from the working class. As a working-class advocate attracted to the suffrage movement, Winslow argued that women’s suffrage was crucial to all workers—men and women alike. This argument was not an easy one to advance. The male-dominated workers’ movement often failed to recognize the challenges faced by women in factories and other low-income jobs.[note]Alice Kessler-Harris, Out to Work: A History of Wage-Earning Women in The United States (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 95, 156-157, 269.[/note] The women’s suffrage movement also struggled to unite working-class and middle- and upper-class women. [note]Ford, Iron-Jawed Angels, 92-120.[/note] In fighting for women’s rights as workers and as voters, Winslow experienced gender and class tensions within both movements.
Read more.Shawn J. Parry-Giles, Ph.D.
University of Maryland
Department of Communication
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